HARARE (Reuters) – Zimbabwe’s Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai said on Wednesday he expected presidential and parliamentary elections in July after a nationwide vote on a new constitution next month.

Tsvangirai also said he did not fear a repeat of violence that overshadowed disputed polls in 2008 which led to a power-sharing government between his Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and rival President Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF party.

When questioned about the date for the elections at a human rights forum to discuss the constitution approved by parliament last week, Tsvangirai said simply “July”.

ZANU-PF’s chief spokesman Rugare Gumbo said the timetable Tsvangirai outlined was in line with the framework Mugabe, the 88-year-old political veteran who has ruled the country since independence from Britain in 1980, was working around.

“That time frame is in tandem with what we as a party have been working with, but the confirmation and actual dates will be fixed by the president,” he told Reuters.

For months, the entrenched president has said he wants fresh polls by mid-year before the destitute southern African country hosts a global conference on tourism, which analysts say Harare wants to use to rebrand itself after years of isolation.

Before Tsvangirai’s comments at the human rights forum, Constitutional Affairs Minister Eric Matinenga told reporters the power-sharing government had set March 16 as the tentative date for the referendum on the constitution.

Finance Minister Tendai Biti, worried that there might not be enough money for the referendum and the elections, has approached donors for help.

By law, the next elections are due when the current presidential and parliamentary terms expire at the end of June although there has been speculation ZANU-PF and the MDC could extend it while working on more political reforms.

POLL VIOLENCE

The last polls were marred by violence and allegations of vote-rigging, blamed mostly on Mugabe’s war veteran supporters and ZANU-PF youth brigades.

Tsvangirai, 60, dismissed fears the coming elections would see a repeat of the 2008 violence, saying a strict code of conduct and supervision by regional and international observers would help deliver a free vote.

“I am not budgeting for chaos. I am certainly bullish about the way things will go in the elections,” he said, adding that human rights watchdogs should not be overly worried over isolated incidents of intimidation and harassment.

A confident Tsvangirai said he was looking forward to the end of the government of national unity (GNU) as it had limited capacity to fix an economy critics say was destroyed by Mugabe’s policies.

The economy has recovered slightly due to political stability brought about by the power-sharing deal after being crushed about five years ago by hyperinflation.

“I don’t expect the next elections to produce a hung parliament. Four years of this GNU have been torture and I do not wish for another GNU,” he said.

Mugabe faces a stiff challenge in the polls after his long stay in power and policies that have left more than 80 percent of the adult population jobless.

(Editing by Jon Herskovitz and Michael Holden)

Allsomali24.com, Madasha Wararka Soomaalida. info@allsomali24.com, webmaster@allsomali24.com

Source Reuters Africa.

Aid will no longer be delivered to those who remain in urban areas, said the head of Kenya’s refugee agency.

He blamed the refugees for contributing to insecurity in Kenya.

The attacks have mostly been carried out in areas with a large ethnic Somali population in north-east Kenya and the Eastleigh district of Nairobi.

They are believed to have been carried out by the al-Shabab militant group.

The al-Qaeda-linked group has not commented on the claims.

But al-Shabab had threatened to take revenge over Kenya’s decision last year to send troops over the border to help the UN-backed government seize territory from the militants.

All Somali refugees have been ordered to report to the north-eastern Dadaab complex of camps, the world’s biggest refugee facility that already house some 500,000 people.

Refugees from other countries have been told to go to Kakuma in the north-west, where some 100,000 people from Somalia, Sudan and South Sudan are living.

More than 30,000 Somali refugees live in Nairobi, the AFP news agency quotes the UN as saying.

“The government of Kenya has decided to stop reception, registration and close down all registration centres in the urban areas with immediate effect,” read a statement from Badu Katelo, Kenya’s acting commissioner for refugee affairs.

“The refugees, particularly those living in urban centres, are contributing to insecurity in the country.”

He also said aid agencies, including the UNHCR, should stop giving assistance to asylum seekers and refugees in Kenya’s towns and cities and only provide help in camps.

‘Absolutely overstretched’

Medecins Sans Frontieres, which operates health programmes in Dadaab, told the BBC it was already struggling to cope with the vast numbers at in the camp, which was originally designed to shelter 90,000 people.

“We are absolutely overstretched,” said MSF’s head of mission in Kenya, Elena Velilla.

She said they were currently working in “extreme conditions”, with recent flooding worsening already poor sanitation, an outbreak of cholera and hepatitis and a rise in malnutrition in children.

“We have no capacity at all to distribute more aid,” said Ms Velilla.

The latest attack in Eastleigh came on Sunday, when three grenades were thrown at a shop, injuring several people.

Two similar incidents have killed at least 13 people recently, leading to increased tension in Nairobi between ethnic Somalis and other Kenyans.

There have also been mass arrests of ethnic Somalis, particularly after three Kenyan soldiers were shot dead last month in the town of Garissa, not far from Dadaab.

Many ethnic Somalis have always lived in Kenya, while hundreds of thousands of people have fled across the border since Somalia descended into chaos two decades ago.

source bbc

Balad — A huge roadside blast went off on Friday at a Somali army base in the southern town of Balad, a city that has been a hotbed and stronghold for Al shabab over the last three years.

Witnesses in Balad town say they could hear early on Friday hours a loud explosion that happened at the military base and followed heavy gun shots fired into the air by the forces in the area of the explosion. People are feared dead in the attack.

No group has yet claimed responsibility for the attack so far.

On June 26th, the Somali National Army and African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) forces seized the Al-Shabaab-controlled city of Balad without any resistance.

Balad, which lies 30 kilometers north of Mogadishu, is one of the most important strategic cities in the Middle Shabelle region.

sources : allafrica

Mogadishu — Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, the president of Somali Federal Republic Government on Friday is expected to arrive in neighbouring Kenya, for an official visit to enhance bilateral relations and partnership between the two countries.

Somali president is accompanied by certain ministers, including FM and defence minister on his regional tour that began early this week at Djibouti. Mr.Mohamud is Seeking to wrest support from Kenyan leaders who has helped Somalia war on Al shabab.

While in Nairobi, Mr. Mohamud will meet his Kenyan counterpart president Kibaki and focus on regional issues, in addition to bilateral engagements, according to the sources.

In October last year, Kenya has sent troops and tanks in Somalia to pursue Al shabab fighters whom Nairobi governments blames for string of cross border attacks and kidnappings against foreign aid workers and Kenya military officials.

sources : allafrica

“The four Korean crew members of the MT Gemini have been released,” the ministry said in a statement, adding the sailors were being taken to safety aboard a South Korean navy ship.

The release followed an agreement between Singapore firm Glory Ship Management which owns the MT Gemini and the pirates, it said without elaboration.

But Yonhap quoted an unidentified foreign ministry official as saying that the ministry had assisted in ransom talks between the boat’s owner and the pirates, but declined to say how much had been paid for their release.

The tanker was carrying 28,000 tonnes of crude palm oil from Indonesia to Kenya when it was hijacked on April 30 last year.

Seven months later, the pirates freed the vessel and released all 21 non-Korean crew members while keeping the four Koreans captive.

In return for their release, they had called for the release of five other Somali pirates who were captured in a South Korean naval operation earlier last year and sentenced to long prison terms.

The waters off Somalia are notorious for pirate attacks but the presence of several navy task forces has seen such incidents fall sharply this year.

Sources: AFP

Last year around this time, I was eagerly anticipating my trip to Nairobi. My last visit was in 2008 and I could not wait to be greeted by the warmth of the city and its people, the palm trees, the roundabouts, and that feeling of belonging I missed so dearly. I was beyond enthusiastic. I was heading home!

The flight was peaceful, with traditional but terrible airline food and a long line-up of movies that included my childhood favourite, The Lion King. But I was lost in my thoughts, overcome with the nostalgic feeling of meeting an old friend again. Had the scents and sounds of Nairobi changed? Would I recognise it? Eventually I heard the pilot announce that we would be landing, and felt a rush of emotions.

“Karibu. Welcome to Nairobi,” said the flight attendant. We had made it. My father and I grabbed our belongings and exited the plane. But something was different, unusual. Instead of the expected warm and welcoming smiles, we were confronted by hostile, fear-ridden faces. Not to sound dramatic, but the change of reaction was so drastic and cold that I remember feeling like I had the scarlet letter drawn across my face.

“What is the reason for your trip to Nairobi?” a grumpy customs officer asked me.
“To merely vacation and visit family,” I responded, looking at my father who seemed taken aback by her attitude.
“How long are you going to say here?”
“About three weeks,” my father said.

He was exhausted and had no patience for the rude customs officer. After posing for immigration pictures and signing a few forms, we were relieved to leave the grim, unwelcoming airport and find the smiles and hugs we had travelled two days for. Our family waved enthusiastically from the other side of the glass. Each of their faces beamed with joy that lit up the dull surroundings of the airport. There were so many family members waiting for us that I couldn’t keep count of all the hands waving our way. I remember feeling appreciated. It felt good to feel welcome and wanted. I was home.

A rude awakening
In between gathering our belongings and attempting to leave the airport, we again faced a cold reception from the employees and locals. The whispers seemed endless and countless inspections of our passports confirmed hostility between us and the officials. “Somalis or Canadians?” they frequently asked.  It was clear that being Somali as well as Canadian made me an “other” among  Kenyans, an outsider among my own people.

I was relieved to be surrounded by my family. Seeing their friendly faces made everything better. I was expecting just my mother and siblings but my aunts, uncles, cousins, family friends and other distant relatives had all come to meet us. It was a wonderful sight. We decided that we would all separate into different cars and regroup at my mother’s house for dinner. I rode with her and my siblings; my father was whisked away by his siblings.

It had been over a year since I last saw my mother. I missed her dearly. We drove past massive billboards, commercial buildings, and hard-working Kenyans heading home. It was such a drastic change of scenery from what I was used to in Toronto. I appreciated the modest beauty of Nairobi. I could not help but notice the visible progression since my last trip. The roads were smooth, and the city looked groomed. Then, all of sudden, I noticed a flashing light waving up and down in our direction.

“Hoyo, what is that?” I asked my mum. She sighed and responded: “A police officer. We are being pulled over.” The well-dressed officer and his entourage  walked towards our car. He fired off some questions: “Where are we coming from?” “Why are you out at this time at night?” “Are you heading home to Eastleigh?” The questions were irrelevant particularly because the officer was attempting to pull us over for a traffic violation. In my mind, it was none of his business why we were out. But I sat in silence and watched. After glancing at my mother’s licence, he let us go. “That’s what happens when you’re a Somali in Nairobi these days. You cannot do anything with being stopped and questioned,” my mum explained in a frustrated voice.

In the news
During the rest of my trip, it became clear that the negative perception and treatment of Somalis was partially the result of news reports that stigmatised Somalis. From headlines in national newspapers to the evening television news, Somalis had become the scapegoat for any and all of the problems in Nairobi. The consequence of the war against Somalia appeared to be a timely justification. Each evening after dinner was served in most households across Nairobi, local news channels documented the successes against the Somali “militants”. We watched as the Kenyan defence forces shot aimlessly into the blanket of darkness above the sea. The selective footage was then drowned out by sounds of heavy breathing and more gunshots. The media depicted a lovely tale of heroism against al-Shabab while vilifying all Somalis and labelling them as sympathisers or supporters. By the end of the news segment, the reporter had convincingly persuaded the viewer that the war against the pirates, al-Shabab extremists and whoever seemed to be threat to Kenya’s security was a) necessary and b) a success.

The more I followed the news and political issues in Kenya, the more evident it seemed that there was a marginalisation of Somalis within the Kenyan community. This was evident not only through the mistreatment of my own family members by police and other law enforcements but also through the anti-al-Shabab, anti-Somali propaganda spread throughout the media. I heard first-hand stories about the Kenyan police harassing Somalis in areas heavily populated with Somali refugees or citizens. Police officers  would randomly assemble anyone who they thought to be al-Shabab supporters and lock them up for undetermined amounts of time.

It was clear that the actions of the Kenyan police widened any pre-existing rifts between Somalis and the Kenyan government. Somalis became walking targets for ill-treatment.  It seems that we were viewed by Kenyan natives as delinquents responsible for the economic issues and inequality, and the overcrowding of schools, streets and neighbourhoods.

In mid-November, a few days into my vacation, Kenya declared war on Somalia, resulting in the closure of borders between the nations, as well as the abandonment of any refugees fleeing the conflict. The War on Terror against al-Shabab created the opportunity for a sort of justified mistreatment of Somalis in Kenya. Simple errands like going to the grocery store or grabbing a meal with friends became a hassle as they entailed being stopped by police, a thorough inspection of our car and/or a barrage of questions. Operation Linda Nchi (Protect the Country) essentially allowed officials to target any al-Shabab sympathisers or suspected members of al-Shabab. The operation increased tensions between Somali-Kenyans and Kenyans due to the unfair targeting, arresting and harassment faced by Somalis, including myself.

After three weeks in Nairobi, I was on my way home to Toronto and I was sad to leave. At the airport, officials forced me to remove my headscarf, glasses and jacket.  They asked tedious questions about my life in Toronto as if I was an impersonation of myself. They asked me what school I went to, where exactly in Toronto I lived and why I came to Nairobi, all while double-checking my visa. I understood the suspensions harboured by Somalis about the Kenyan government. They really did not like us.

Human rights abuse
When I arrived back in Toronto, I was pleased to find that Human Rights Watch had released a report, “Criminal Reprisals: Kenyan Police and Military Abuses against Ethnic Somalis“, addressing human rights abuses towards Somalis by Kenyan defence forces and police in the north-eastern province. Finally, I thought, a sort of justice. The report detailed the accounts of Kenyan forces arbitrarily detaining people, undiscerning beatingly and abusing Somali inhabitants. I could not understand the lack of media attention and international reaction.

Why was this vital report being ignored? Was the pain and sorrow of the Somali diaspora community in Kenya meaningless to the international community? It was apparent that the lack of visible ribs or crying babies with flies on their faces could not garner the slightest bit of attention from Western media. The unsympathetic attack of Somalis in Kenya would be drowned out by the over-played images and stories about Somali pirates. It was – and remains – clear that only a genocide is worthy of Western news coverage.

A part of me gave up. It was absolutely disheartening. This country I associated with home had let me down. Growing up in Canada, I never felt like I belonged since I was not a product of parents with ocean-blue eyes and Barbie’s blond hair. I was visibly minority with black kinky hair to prove it. So, when my father brought me to Kenya for the first time at the age of 10, I discovered what home was supposed to mean. I belonged. I was a Somali-Kenyan and proud. Eleven years later, how could I explain to myself that my home was responsible for killing my cousins, raping my aunts and arresting my uncles? My heart was broken.

Iman Hassan is a Pan-Africanist who hopes to play a vital role in the redevelopment of Somalia/Somaliland. She is currently in her last year at York University in Toronto, specialising in political science. She writes passionately about the East African community in the hope of giving them a voice.   

Malagasy Justice has dealt with the case of pirates who reached the port of Antsiranana, Madagascar. Their sentences are severe, despite a withdrawal of witnesses.

Thirteen Somalis were sentenced to five years hard labour, while a juvenile was sentenced to 30 months in prison then placed on bail. All the pirates have been prosecuted under the Malagasy Penal Code and international maritime code.

Their charges refer to the act of piracy, false imprisonment, assault and battery, violence and assault, and attempted rape.

All this has been perpetrated against the passengers and crew of the boat Zoulficar. The court lasted more than four hours. The defendants  without exception rejected the charges. They said they were fishermen in distress and they had to be on board the Zoulficar at sea.

Regarding the presence of firearms in their possession, their lawyer, Mr. Raymond Ramaso, explained they were obliged to hold them because of the insecurity and the state of war in Somalia, and to defend their catches. The defense also claimed that the court has no jurisdiction to judge its clients, according to the international maritime code,

The Comorian-flagged Zoulficar Attorney General, Yvon Ravoahangy Christiano, countered that the Criminal Court can prosecute pirates because they operated in Malagasy waters and landed in the port of Madagascar, namely that of Antsiranana.

“Madagascar Justice has the power and the right to try suspects that are charged with a crime within the national territory. The docking in the Madagascar port and the request for assistance from Master of the Zoulficar reinforce this position,” insisted the Attorney General, recalling that the vessel flying the flag of the Comoros was boarded by pirates on 30 October 2010, after leaving the port of Moroni. After several months of travels and wanderings at sea along the coast of Somalia, with the death of a mechanic, holding the passengers and crew of Zoulficar hostage, they had cause to resolve to reach the port of Antsiranana as the vessel lacked fuel, food, and water and were subsequently suffering from hunger and thirst. The Zoulficar was released in February 2011.

—

Source: OCEANUSLive.org

The Somalia National Army (SNA), backed by its intelligence and the Police force, have conducted a raid on Sokohola and killed the overall al-Shabaab commander for Gupta, Sokohola, and Huluwai areas.

They included 16 submachine guns and four pistols. Sokohola, a Mogadishu suburb, has been a concentration area of al-Shabaab cells, terrorising civilians around Mogadishu, the Somalia capital city.

The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) — Uganda contingent commander, Brig. Michael Ondoga commended the Somali security forces for “excellence in their operations.”

“The Somali national security forces are doing a commendable job in the pacification process of Somalia. As AMISOM, we are committed in giving them support to restore calm in Somalia. We congratulate them in this successful operation which will bring more peace in Mogadishu,” Ondoga said.

Brig. Ondoga, according to a statement issued by the Ugandan contingent spokesperson, Maj. Henry Obbo, pointed out that SNA successful raid on al-Shaban was a manifestation of the ever improving capability of the Somali forces.

Ondoga, who is in-charge of Sector One AMISOM operations, added that he was confident that one day, the Somalis themselves will be able to take full charge of their own security.

The SNA operation comes three days after Ugandan and Somali forces seized 11 high explosive bombs meant for terrorism from Sokohola.

The twin swoop on Sokohola by AU and Somali forces, in two months, brings the tally of arms seized to over 30 explosives, 16 submachine guns and 14 pistols.

al-shabaab militants, who are allied to the global terror organisation Al-Qaeda, have been on the back foot since August last year when they were dislodged from Mogadishu.

They have since lost a string of towns, where they had sought safe haven and charged exorbitant illegal taxes to fund their operations.

Somalia has seen anarchy since 1991, when former dictator Siad Barre was deposed. The Horn of Africa nation has seen bloodletting with extremists and terrorists taking the country at intervals and instilling terror among Somalis.

The AU deployed AMISOM in 2007, with Uganda taking the key role. It was followed by Burundi, Sierra Leone and Djibouti.

The peacekeepers were mandated by the UN Security Council to defend the transition government and key installations like the State House, Parliament and the Sea Port.

AMISOM was further empowered to monitor the security situation in areas of operation and to provide technical assistance to stabilisation efforts, including helping to build capabilities of the Somali security forces.

Sources : new vision

The UPDF is recalling 2,000 former soldiers to deploy them in Somalia, under the African Union Mission to Somalia – AMISOM.

De Gabay (The Poem) will be staged next March and focuses on the lives of the poets in the Butetown area of the city.

National Theatre Wales said it was looking for performers, actors, dancers and wardrobe staff, paid or unpaid.

People can find out more at an event on Saturday at the Coal Exchange in Cardiff Bay at 19:30 GMT.

Inspired

The people behind the production are also looking for musicians, singers, technicians, cooks, stewards, video makers, bloggers and photographers.

A group of young poets including Ahmed Hassan, Ali Goolyad, Hassan Panero and Ahmed Yusuf approached National Theatre Wales 18 months ago with their idea for De Gabay – the song of their lives as young British-born Somali men.

Eager to change media and public perceptions of the Somali community, they were inspired by their involvement in an earlier National Theatre Wales production in Butetown, The Soul Exchange in January 2011.

In March next year they will tell their own stories of what brought them to Butetown, and what happens next.

National Theatre Wales’ artistic director John McGrath said: “Butetown and its residents will play a starring role in De Gabay, so we’re asking anyone and everyone in the area who want to get involved in any aspect of the production – design, performance, technical, whatever they’re interested in – to get in touch now and tell us what they’d like to do.

“This is a hugely ambitious project that is very close to our hearts, and we want to share the experience of making it – and the joy of experiencing the finished product – with as many people as possible.”

A string of public events are being staged to encourage and invite the local community to take part.

Saturday’s event – Ideas Exchange 05: On the Road to De Gabay – will also include poetry, performance and debate.

sources: BBCNEWS